'A City of Confinement; Gender and Housing in Mumbai'

INTRODUCTION - PERCEPTION OF THE CITY

A metropolis of diversity, vibrancy and segregation, Mumbai has both sculpted become a chaotic urban landscape with socially bipolar characteristics. As the fourth most populous conurbation in the world with over 12 million people, (Census data 2011) Mumbai is an overcrowded, yet capable modern city. Perceived through its own systems and mainstream representation, Mumbai offers the the opportunity to study complex layers of social, domestic and public spheres. The dialect between political, territorial and, social identities is frequently conflicting, abrupt, parallel, even overlapping. This can be seen through the self-built, turbulent slum territory juxtaposed against the modern skyline and formal housing; a backdrop of investment and development. With this comes the idea of the public, private and perceived social spheres, and the key roles of housing and gender within. As one of 10 countries to recognise ‘the third gender’, male, female and transgender identity shape the city and define social use of space in the home and public realm.

Formerly Bombay, Mumbai was renamed in 1995 after the goddess Mumbadevi of the Kolis people,indigenous fisher folk, who consider her as their mother (aii meaning mother in Marathi) (The British Library Board, 2019).

A city of two worlds, segregation is prevalent in such abrupt extremes when considering the housing typologies throughout the urban footprint. Slums are defined as “a contiguous settlement where the inhabitants are characterized as having inadequate housing and basic services.” (UN-Habitat, 2010). These self-built developments are home to 41.3% of the Mumbaikar population compared to the Indian national average of 9% (World Population Review, 2019).

Such immediate transition between these territories is visible across Mumbai with formal housing and slum developments existing almost conterminously, both approaching the constructed boundary as if in a standoff. To understand this stark division in Mumbai living, it is essential to draw upon geographical and historical factors resulting in or challenging the facilitation of housing.

EXPLAINING MUMBAI'S HOUSING CRISIS

Mumbai, geographically, is on a peninsula. The room for urban sprawl is limited and constrained, وthus the growing population is directed further from the area of formal housing in a linear fashion rather than other cities which can spread more radially.
Challenging topogrpahy towards the north of the city further reduces the amount of developable land. Other large cities have more negotiable terrain while Mumbai is pressured into a smaller inhabitable area.

Architect Sir Claud Bately describes these chawls as “cheerless, architect less, gardenless” (Dwivedi S. 2001, p210). Despite external appearances, the functionality and convenience of these chawls are a practical way of providing social housing; close proximity to suburban railway stations and housing 20-25 workers in a 10x12ft single room tenement (made possible by the variation in working hours in the mill throughout the 24 hour period). The chawls made efficient use of space and offered affordable housing close to work. Semi-public spaces, corridors, were wider in comparison to the contemporary equivalent self-build and offered a playground and community hall. By the turn of the 20th century, these chawls began to have an effect on women in Indian society. It became important to move the family closer to work, bringing the site of production and reproduction closer. This was a step towards changing the role of women as part of a movement of equality in the public sphere, more out of financial necessity than active gender reconditioning. Nevertheless, this urbanisation and housing transition allowed women to exploit their potential socially, politically and economically (Koppikar, 2017).

Upon the industry’s collapse, the southern seafront territories of Cuffe Parade,Worli and Marine Drive were occupied by the rich mill owners. The housing typology consistent of “large apartments in the art deco buildings, with long balconies over-looking the sea fronts” reflecting the contemporary rich (Adarkar, 2003, 4531). Meanwhile migrant labour began to reclaim to marshy lands adopting a self- build lifestyle and grew to form todays slums. This visible divide of housing through Mumbai’s urban fabric can be superimposed on a less visible, but prevalent social division of gender. The south of the city is perceived as a “forbidden” area for slum dwellers and for women (Adarkar 2003 p 4531). Gender, therefore, can be seen on the city scale with housing to form an identity and perception of an individual socially, dictating the usable spatial territory in the public sphere.

USING GENDER TO EVALUATE SLUM HOUSING 

Aarti Grover describes the construct of ‘gender’ as “socially-learned behaviour and the expectations from society”. Taking this approach on how people use domestic and public spheres, the self-defined idea of gender identity is constrained to the “expectations of women and men, in relation to their social role and duties” (Grover, 2015). While Grover argues this is a constructed phenomenon and societal perceptions of ‘the individual’ philosophically could consider a more self-determined nature, adopting this ideological method as a lens allows us to better distinguish the gender among housing and society in Indian culture.

Guggenheim, describing itself as ‘part urban think tank, part community centre, part public gathering space’ (Guggenheim, 2019), is a forward thinking project-based research lab in Mumbai, Berlin and New York. In the case of Mumbai, researcher Christine McLaren claims “women act, in some respects, as a sort of indicator species for the health of various city systems” (McLaren, 2013). Health statistics in slums in Maharashtra (province) 2006 provide an insight to the conditions in these settlements.

When interpreting these figures it must be addressed that the female gender is inherently characterised in the nature of Indian culture as “[belonging] in or near the dwelling” (Grover, 2015), and so will spend more time in the slum settlement. The correlation between the poor condition of slums and ill health of inhabitants are reflected when considering this gender-based occupancy of the city. In the domestic sphere, women are often tasked with obtaining, transporting, purifying and using water, requiring more privacy in sanitation and lavatory use. An Indian article states one Dharavi toilet can serve 1,440 slum dwellers (Sinha, 2006). Women are the gender associated with the need to speak to children privately and are “naturally the most vulnerable” in dangerous spaces (McLaren, 2013). While formed from cultural constructs and the social sphere, these gender roles reveal slum housing as an unfit means on living, further embedding the inferior position of women in Mumbai.

1960s plotted developments with floor size 204m2 per tenement and large balcony. p63 LEFT

1970s apartments with floor size 86m2 per tenement, smaller balcony and denser construction. p69 MIDDLE

1980s Public sector and employee housing with floor size 49m2 per tenement and loss of balcony. p75 RIGHT

The home, and women, are often seen in Mumbai to be as one; women lack identity without the home, and likewise the home could not exist without women. In viewing women as the ‘hearth’ in the home they are the foundation element without which the home would not exist. An alternative perspective on Wiesman’s gender critique of domestic space as a “metaphor” for society, this too is the case for women in all social spheres.

“If by strength is meant moral power, then woman is immeasurably man's superior” - (Mahatma Gandhi, 1930)

Gandhi regarded women as a force of regeneration, intuition and endurance. He believed women were exemplars of courage and self-sacrifice at the heart of the family. In Gandhi’s paradoxical philosophies, because of the woman’s dependency and perceived stature of social weakness, she is strong. As with Vienna’s gender mainstreaming as a feature of housing construction, progressive movements and individuals in Mumbai look to redefine the private and domestic spheres with equity.

TRANSGENDER IDENTITY, HOUSING AND COMMUNITY

Although India is one of the few countries to legally recognise the ‘third gender’, and have been acknowldged in ancient literature, Mumbai’s transgender community still face with social challenges and met with discrimination. Hijras (female transgenders), appear in the ancient Kama Sutra, Mahabharata and the Ramayana texts. They are celebrated in Mumbai society, yet are still one of the “most marginalised groups within the country” (Delliswararao, 2018 p12). Hijras are forced to look for housing more so than males or females as result of being disowned by a parent in fear of bringing ‘disgrace’ upon the family. As with the construct of gender in the public sphere, this perception reduces the third gender below men and women. A report of a hijra finalising a flat was upon viewing personal documents when the broker “told [her] they did not have a flat for [her]” (Rakesh 2018). Fellow tenants “would not be able to adjust or be comfortable around her” (Sarkar, 2018) in another instance. Landlords will use economic deterrents to discourage members of thecommunity finding a home, charging 50% higher rates (Laha 2015). While hijras seem to have few additional difficulties finding eployment compared to males and females (Shah, 2015 Black Sheep), there is no enacted law for specifically providing protection third gender property interests. As recent as January 19th 2019, 77 new homes have been provided in Raipur for transgenders, the first step in a potential new development in housing for the third gender.